The recent address by Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir following reports of spiraling youth violence sent a clear message to the Jewish public. In response to the killing of Yemanu Binyamin Zalka, a former Israeli soldier, Ben-Gvir promised a total war on crime. He vowed to restore security to the streets using the strong hand of the Israel Police. However, this rhetoric of swift justice stands in stark contrast to the reality faced by the Palestinian citizens of Israel. While the state mobilizes for high-profile cases involving Jewish victims, an unprecedented epidemic of violence is tearing through Palestinian-majority towns and villages with little state intervention.
The statistics surrounding this crime wave are staggering. Since the start of the year, nearly 100 people have been killed in internal violence within the Palestinian sector in Israel. Beyond the human cost, the economic toll is immense, with the finance ministry estimating a $6.7 billion annual drain on the country`s economy. For decades, allegations of two-tier policing have haunted the Israeli security establishment, but the situation has reached a breaking point under the current administration of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The far-right influence in the cabinet, particularly from Ben-Gvir and Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, is viewed by many as a catalyst for this surge in lawlessness.
Data published by the Israeli newspaper Haaretz highlights the severity of the crisis. In 2020, the murder rate in Palestinian communities stood at 4.9 per 100,000 people. By 2026, that number has climbed to 11 per 100,000, a figure comparable to nations experiencing active conflict like Iraq or Sudan. In contrast, the murder rate within Jewish society remains remarkably low at approximately 0.6 per 100,000. This disparity underscores a systemic failure to provide equal protection to all citizens, regardless of their ethnic background. Critics argue that the state is effectively allowing these communities to self-destruct.
Aida Touma-Suleiman, a Palestinian member of the Hadash party, has been a vocal critic of this neglect. She suggests that the government views the Palestinian sector not as a community in need of service, but as a hostile entity. According to Touma-Suleiman, the police often fail to maintain a physical presence in Arab neighborhoods compared to Jewish ones. Where police stations are standard in Jewish areas, they are few and far between in Palestinian-majority towns. This absence of authority has allowed criminal gangs to operate with relative impunity, filling the vacuum left by the state.
The government`s recent fiscal decisions have only added fuel to the fire. In December, the cabinet approved a significant cut of $68.5 million from an economic development program specifically designed for Palestinian communities. The justification was to reallocate funds toward policing. However, experts point out the irony in cutting programs that address the root causes of crime—such as housing and job creation—to fund a police force that the community largely distrusts. This cycle of underinvestment and heavy-handed or absent policing has left many feeling abandoned by the state they are technically citizens of.
Socioeconomic factors play a crucial role in this landscape of violence. Palestinian citizens of Israel, making up about 21 percent of the population, often live in conditions of chronic underinvestment. The unemployment rate has spiked since 2023, following the restrictions placed on workers from the West Bank after the start of the war in Gaza. Official figures from 2024 show that over 37 percent of Palestinian households in Israel live below the poverty line. In such an environment, local criminal networks have transformed into sophisticated, mafia-style organizations that exert control over entire neighborhoods.
Professor Daniel Bar-Tal of Tel Aviv University argues that the government may find a strategic benefit in this internal chaos. By allowing criminality to persist, the state can perpetuate negative stereotypes about Arab culture while simultaneously using these gangs as sources of intelligence. This complicity, whether intentional or a result of systemic racism, has led to a breakdown in social order. Reports often surface of citizens who attempt to report crimes only to be ignored or dismissed by authorities, further eroding any remaining trust in the justice system.
The controversy surrounding Ben-Gvir extends beyond his perceived incompetence in crime fighting. His political interventions in police work have sparked a constitutional row with the Attorney General, leading to interventions from the High Court. While Ben-Gvir focuses on symbolic gestures and social media presence, the body count in Palestinian towns continues to rise. The lack of a coherent, non-discriminatory strategy to tackle organized crime suggests that the current government’s priorities lie elsewhere.
Ultimately, the crime epidemic in Israel’s Palestinian towns is not just a localized issue but a reflection of a deeply fractured national identity. The two-tier policing system reinforces the perception of Palestinian citizens as second-class residents. Without a fundamental shift in how the state allocates resources and enforces the law, the cycle of violence is likely to continue. The demand from the Palestinian sector is simple: equal protection under the law. However, in the current political climate, achieving that remains a distant and difficult goal.
